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[GUIDE] Turn that background off… or on

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In 1987, the American group R.E.M. sang about ‘the end of the world as we know it’ (a great song, worth listening). The new world born after the fall of the Berlin Wall seemed to announce the triumph of liberalism and the age of global flows. Is the current decline of the liberal order marked by the end of the open Internet as we know it? These are the questions that motivated this two-part series of blog posts. 

Part 1 places digital sovereignty in the context of the political economy. It explores why digital sovereignty switched from being ostracised to a central notion of current digital policy-making. While sovereignty was used to contest economic and rights-based inequalities during the last decade, digital sovereignty is currently under conflicting pressures. It risks being captured by securitizing narratives and by a neo-mercantilist political project. These reflections provide the canvas to connect digital sovereignty and openness in part 2.

1.Sovereignty and autonomy

Reflections on sovereignty often trace it back to the Peace of Westphalia, when the notion of State sovereignty was forged, grounded on territorial integrity, non-interference and legal equality among States. Even if we conceive sovereignty as a relational concept, co-constructed and shaped by discourse across time and culture, this historical birth remains a relevant reference point. When we seek to ‘unthink’ classic notions of sovereignty in order to define what digital sovereignty could mean, state sovereignty offers the benchmark to be deconstructed. 

For the purpose of this particular reflection, we understand sovereignty along the lines proposed by Geenens: “when speaking of sovereignty, we invoke the perspective from which a political community can consciously understand itself as an autonomous agent”. This understanding brings about important consequences. The first is that sovereignty is the manifestation of a political claim, made by conscious agents. This means that companies, for example, are not sovereign, although some of them can wield more power than some sovereign states. The second is that autonomy – understood as the capacity to steer one’s own course of action rationally, and not just as an automatic response to societal or economic inputs – is a key element. 

Much of the concerns that underpin digital sovereignty claims at present times are related to increasing the scope of autonomy. In the context of an interdependent digital economy, the desire for increased autonomy cannot realistically be translated into a search for autarky, total independence, or self-sufficiency. Autonomy seems to be rather related to the capacity of a social system – a state, for the sake of example – to choose how to respond to external stimuli (or to external ‘noise’). 

In biological systems, evolution lies in the delicate balance between minimizing external disturbance while welcoming the noise necessary to promote adaptation and evolution. In present discussions about digital sovereignty, shifting perceptions about the precise point of this balance, and about the autonomy to redefine this point if needed, are key elements hiding at the backdrop of concerns.

2. Digital sovereignty and political economy: an unfinished play of three acts

Discussions on digital sovereignty are marked by the contrast between the territorially-based operation of our political and legal systems, on the one hand, and the transborder operation of the digital economy and its underlying technological infrastructure, on the other. For the last decades, actors have tried to resolve this tension in  different ways, from the liberal rejection of the notion of digital sovereignty to the current neo-mercantilist approach, which re-erects sovereign borders along a geoeconomic projection of power. Recent shifts in US politics have accelerated this turn, but it precedes the Trump administration.   

Act I: the liberal rejection of digital sovereignty   

The liberal approach tackled the tension between territorial and transborder by removing the barriers to cross-border flows, in order to facilitate the sprawling of the techno-economic complex. According to the liberal discourse, the role of states was to provide a secure and predictable environment for the operation of transborder actors. 

The United States, in particular, engaged in intense diplomatic work during the Clinton Administration to open the path for the Information Superhighway – albeit the resistance of some Western European countries, and some vocal developing countries, such as Brazil and India, particularly during the WSIS. 

Under the bonnet, however, US public spending on technology development and innovation continued high, showing that the US has always been an entrepreneurial state in the technology realm, including in the digital sector. The government committed to “spend money twice as fast as the Pentagon’s Star Wars anti-missile program” in areas that included fiber-optic communications and national computer networks. Liberalisation of the digital sector was not at odds with public investment at that time. Other countries took a different perspective, and relied on attracting foreign investment and facilitating market access as  a way to develop their digital sectors.

Source: The NewYork Times, November 10, 1992. 

While the ideational patterns of interaction between public and private realms were defined within the internet governance regime (i.e. private led, multistakeholder), the binding rules were developed through the international trading system. Trade agreements were focused on removing tariff and non-tariff barriers. They successfully helped to reduce costs, cut red tape, minimize discrimination between domestic and foreign providers, and increase predictability. Foreign Direct Investment in the digital sector bloomed, as the importance of US capital in building Chinese Internet backbones exemplifies. 

In parallel, liberalisation also reduced the ‘policy space’ available to governments, including with regards to regulating digital flows. In doing so, the liberal order narrowed the range of possibilities to define the ‘sweet spot’ between unacceptable noise, and evolution-promoting disturbance. It brought about the fast-paced development of the digital economy, and ushered in the ‘age of digital interdependence’, which was expected to increase prosperity and freedom for all. Liberals celebrated interdependence as a peace-promoting feature of the international economic order.

Against the backdrop of digital optimism, digital sovereignty continued to be defended by a few countries, notably Russia and China, but it was pushed to the outskirts of policy discussions, becoming a synonym of backwardness, authoritarianism, or protectionism. Digital interdependence was seen as a natural byproduct of a globalised digital economy.

Act II: digital liberalism with a social project 

The compromise that underpinned liberalism (a narrower scope of policy options in exchange for increased prosperity, if we put it in a simplistic way) was undermined by the growth of two types of digital inequality: economic, and rights-based inequalities. 

The first of them is related to the growing inequality in the distribution of the means of production in the context of the digital economy – notably technology, infrastructure (i.e communication networks, data), and knowledge resources. This has also led to inequality when it comes to the distribution of dividends generated by the digital economy. 

In the last decade, reports by several organizations, such as the World Bank (2016), the Internet Society (2019), the World Economic Forum (2021), and UNCTAD (2021) have shown that a few countries and players are majoritarily accruing the benefits and wealth stemming from the digital economy. This growing economic concentration has led to the formulation of a postcolonial view on digital sovereignty, aimed at challenging the appropriation of digital resources by powerful actors, the dispossession of communities (i.e through data extractivism), and a process of digital colonialism.

Post-colonial lenses are enlightening in discussions on digital sovereignty, but the social and geographic contours of the digital divide do not neatly follow the North-South divide, but can be better captured by the notion of center-periphery. Center and periphery are not engaged in a linear hierarchical relation, but come together in a network. The central nodes (the ones with control or influence over the digital means of production) are capable of affecting the broader network of actors in a significant manner, creating relations of asymmetric interdependence. This helps to understand claims of digital sovereignty being formulated by developed countries and regions. Europe also fears becoming a digital colony. 

In the European Union, inequality-related concerns were framed as an asymmetry of power that led to the erosion of competition in the digital space, on the one hand, and to the undermining of individual rights and freedoms, on the other. This is the rationale that underpins the Digital Markets Act (DMA), the Digital Services Act (DSA), and the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), for example. From this perspective, the State (or, in this case, the Union) had to be strengthened vis-a-vis the market, since only public authorities would have the necessary tools to ‘tame’ market forces, protect the most vulnerable, and level the playing field to allow competition. This strengthening was not formulated as a challenge to liberalism, but it created a tension with the open liberal order by imposing limitations on cross-border flows, while seeking to redefine the threshold of ‘noise’ social systems were willing to accept if they wished to preserve their values and social standards . 

It is no coincidence that, in recent digital trade negotiations, the sections related to exceptions to liberalising ideas became one of the main sticking points, often opposing the US and the EU, as negotiations on data flows and privacy-related exceptions in the WTO Joint Initiative on e-commerce exemplified. 

The cracks in the liberal economic order started to become visible, but asymmetric relations were not intrinsically a problem, as long as the more dependent actor in the relationship had a margin of maneuver that allowed it to perceive itself as an autonomous agent, capable of adjusting the balance of how much noise and disturbance it would be willing to accept in its social system. The perception that this margin has shrunk is triggering discussions on autonomy and sovereignty.

Act III: the age of neo-mercantilism and the return of digital sovereignty 

If we fast forward to 2025, it is possible to notice a very different scenario. On the one hand, the US has made a U-turn in some of the pillars of its liberal trade policy, such as provisions on cross-border data flows. This is significant, considering the role that US-led trade agreements had on the liberalization of the digital economy across the globe. 

On the other hand, perceptions have significantly changed, and interdependence is mostly seen not as a feature of the ecosystem, but as a flaw that needs to be addressed. The US government claims that globalized value chains are undermining American prosperity. According to US Vice-president, JD Vence, the globalized production of goods led to the flow of American knowledge and its appropriation by other players, eroding US leadership. Bringing production ‘back home’ is a way to counter these leaking flows of knowledge, which are making adversaries more competitive. The tariffs announced in the ‘Liberation Day’ are one way to try to revert this scenario.

As the US turns its back at an open liberal order, there are growing claims for increased autonomy in other countries (often framed as digital sovereignty at the level of discourse), as well as a belief that, failing to meet these claims, would lead to (existential) threat. 

Perceptions are changing drastically and fast, because the political project of liberalism is being overridden by a neo-mercantilist political agenda, which gives precedence to the state in relation to the economy. Nevertheless, in the context of this change, catering to social needs is not at the forefront of states’ concerns, as an European ‘social-democrat’ project proposed. The precedence given to the state is seen as a necessary condition to hedge against external threats and promote (national) security. This logic manifests itself in the form of state capitalism, or as populist economic nationalism in the US, through its ‘make the US great again (MAGA) approach. 

For this reason, it would be imprecise to assume that the present US administration represents a triumph of US liberal forces epitomised by an alliance between the US government and the private (tech) sector. Although some tech companies are benefiting from a convergence of interests – AI companies provide an example – others are being confronted with the clash between their economic interests (i.e. market access, receiving higher returns from international investment) and the Government’s geopolitical and geoeconomic agendas. The (so far unsuccessful) opposition of large US companies, such as Microsoft, Amazon, Nvidia, and Oracle to the interim final rule that sets a framework for AI diffusion is one example of the precedence given to the interests and priorities of states over the interests of market actors.  The rule establishes export controls on semiconductors, AI model weights and on cloud-based AI as a service. It was introduced by former president Biden, and, so far, upheld by president Trump.

Since networks of interdependence were sewn predominantly by companies and scientific communities, the speed at which the neo-mercantilist project has managed to dislodge the liberal project and taken hold of institutions is remarkable. This has been largely facilitated by a successful securitizing discourse, which can be found in the neo-mercantilist formulation of what economic security entails.

For liberals, economic security refers to the preservation of a stable economic order (and its supporting institutions), in which free markets can operate unhindered by non-market considerations. For social-democrats, economic security means strengthening the state, so it can protect the vulnerable and promote redistribution. Neo-mercantilists give logical precedence to the goals of the state, as the only actor capable of providing the security necessary for markets to function and for societies to thrive in an anarchic and competitive world. The economy must, therefore, assist the state in fulfilling its goals. In other words, “economic security is national security”, as the US 2021 National Security Strategy affirmed. 

The neo-mercantilist approach to economic security, and the notion of national security both consider the ‘state’ as the object to be protected, facilitating the conflation at the level of discourse. This imposed an adversarial reasoning to economic policy, exemplified by expressions such as ‘trade war’, ‘tariff war’, ‘weaponization of interdependence’, ‘siege of algorithms’ and, ultimately, weaponization of the economy. 

National security is, by excellence, the terrain of military logic and existential threats, since it ultimately aims to safeguard state sovereignty against external sources of danger. This life-or-death framing provides states with the authority to push for exceptional measures, often approved without proper democratic discussion. The fact that the US is resorting to presidential Executive Orders to declare an increasing number of national ‘emergencies’ related to the digital sector –  from information and communication technologies and services to AI – shows the erosion of democratic control. Many of these EOs take legal authority from the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), an instrument coined within a wartime mentality. 

Source: CCIA Statement on the Export Control Framework on AI Diffusion (13 January 2025)

In Europe, recent non-governmental proposals for digital sovereignty remain discursively committed to the people-centered notion of the social-democrat project. Proponents of the EuroStack aim to empower an European private sector, capable of promoting indigenous innovation that aligns with European values of transparency, accountability, and privacy. The Democratic and Ecological Digital Sovereignty Coalition argues for a strengthened state, capable of designing autonomous institutions that can provide infrastructure and essential digital services as public services or commons, enabling the mastery over the production and deployment of the digital technologies by the community. 

Nevertheless, there is a broader geo-politicisation of EU policy-making, and the shaping of ‘digital sovereignty’ by Brussels seems to be distancing itself from the concept of digital sovereignty as something obtainable on an individual level. It is becoming increasingly similar to the idea of ‘strategic autonomy’, borrowed from the defence sector and previously employed by the EU, focused on addressing vulnerabilities related to supply chain disruptions, third-country dependencies, and geopolitical risks. The direction of the EU’s political project remains unclear. 

If a neo-mercantilist view successfully takes root, exploiting economic interdependencies, and exercising coercion to achieve geopolitical goals may become the expected state of affairs. In a context of an offensive and chauvinist turn in US policy, the popular magazine The Economist, suggested a range of potential choke-points that could be adopted by the EU in retaliation. They included restricting access to the machines essential to the production of advanced semiconductors, and applying taxes and heftier fines on Internet companies, for example. In the race to discover whose economic policy decisions can cause the most pain, deeply interdependent digital value chains become an obvious choice of ‘weapon’, and digital sovereignty could strengthen the authority to deploy the arsenal.  

3. Digital autonomy as a socially-anchored and socially-driven project 

Claims for digital sovereignty must be cast against this complex and uncertain background. At the present political juncture (in which a neo-mercantilist view is increasingly becoming pervasive) claims for sovereignty risk being appropriated by a securitizing state bureaucracy. Strengthening States’ control over digital assets in a context of growing chauvinism and of democratic backsliding (across developed and developing countries) could lead to a slippery slope towards a controlling bureaucratic apparatus, which puts its geopolitical project and its quest for national security ahead of individual rights, social goals, or environmental interests.  

At the same time, sovereignty is a rallying banner, easy to communicate. It is unlikely that actors will further scrutinize the desirability of its use when the need for action seems so urgent. In this context, some actions could be put in place to mitigate risks. 

1. The decision-making and governance of policies being adopted under the banner of digital sovereignty must be socially-anchored and socially-driven. This means not only avoiding the use of regulatory instruments that do not allow due debate and political scrutiny, but also means actively creating and empowering governance arrangements tasked to ensure that sovereignty does not only benefit the state and some domestic ‘champions’. Replicating models that have created inequality (economic or rights-based ones) does not amount to a political project that benefits the autonomy of political agents.

2. Just like ‘unthinking sovereignty’ remains important, it is also urgent to rethink and reclaim ‘economic security’. The conflation between economic security and national security is deceiving. It casts the bulk of international economic relations in a Schimittian friend-enemy logic, and leads to zero-sum games. It opens the gates for securitization, by creating an (ever expanding) open-ended list of transactions that could be (potentially) relevant to national security. Such a nexus can only be convincingly established in very few cases. Economic security can be framed as cooperative rather than confrontational pursuit; a shared condition rather than a goal of individual states.

3. Contesting inequalities remains as urgent as ever. It is important, however, to operate in a multi-level playing field. While digital sovereignty remains imbued of a galvanizing post-colonial ideational force in the Global South, it is important to operate with the logic center-periphery to be able to identify potential development-promoting alliances with developed countries struggling to build their own autonomy. In addition, although the securitizing stance is less present in developing countries, the security oriented mindset which is percolating the developed world cannot be ignored, as it will be a key organising logic for technology and knowledge diffusion. 

4. There is a need to differentiate between threats to classic state sovereignty perpetrated through digital means, and the need for increased digital autonomy. One example of the former is the conduct of information operations with the aim to influence or destabilise other countries’ political systems. This has been coupled with forced extraterritorial imposition of the laws of certain countries to other jurisdictions. The US, for example, is seeking to set the standard of free speech for the rest of the world. Trump Media and Rumble are prosecuting Brazilian Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes in a Florida court, challenging his orders to suspend accounts on the two platforms linked to disinformation campaigns in Brazil, a saga being thoroughly analyzed by Curzi. 

These developments relate to the very core of state sovereignty, and should not be mixed up with hedging against digital economic interdependence. They should not depend on the development of ‘sovereign infrastructure’ to be vehemently opposed at present. Countries that are still taking the initial steps in developing their infrastructure have the right to sovereignty, as much as other countries have the duty to collectively ensure that this basic building block of the international society is upheld, offline or online. 

In part 2 of this series, the interplay between this landscape and Internet openness will be discussed, by unpacking what autonomy and sovereignty represent for the functioning of different layers of the Internet. Openness and global flows enabled the development of the Internet as we know it.

Digital Sovereignty and the Open Internet: can they co-exist? The Internet Governance Project (IGP) in collaboration with the Quello Center will gather scholars of differing views to debate this question on 4 April 2025, from 10:00 – 11:00 am EST (15:00-16:00 CEST). Registrations are open: https://bit.ly/4gXZY6b

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It was a pleasure spending three days with you during our course on AI and diplomacy. We hope we achieved our three main goals:

• Gaining a basic understanding of AI (patterns and probability).
• Developing skills to engage in planning and strategic decision-making on AI in your organisations and ministries.
• Enhancing understanding of AI governance and diplomacy.

In this course log, you will find a summary of our learning journey, along with links to additional materials to deepen your knowledge of AI and diplomacy.

We wish you much success in exploring the applications of AI in both your personal and professional life.

With best regards,

Sorina, Andrej, and Jovan

CourseLog

First day: 18 November

We started the course with understanding AI through patterns and probability: We delved into the foundational concepts of AI, using patterns and probability to demystify the technology. We explained AI through the metaphor of national flags as you can see from this video…

We divided deeper into the following aspects of AI:

• Philosophical and critical thinking tools: We outlined philosophical frameworks and critical thinking strategies that enhanced your understanding of AI and its implications.
• AI diplomacy trinity: We examined the intersection of AI and geopolitics, exploring the changing geopolitical landscape, emerging topics on the diplomatic agenda, and innovative tools for effective diplomacy. We dived into the fascinating world of AI geopolitics together!
• AI geopolitics: We focused on the impact of AI on geopolitics. We started with geopolitics around submarine cables which carry 95% of global digital traffic. Without submarine cables there is no digital interaction and AI. Here you can see how the UAE is connected to submarine cables. Below is a video on cable geopolitics…

Follow-up answers

Here are answers to two questions asked:

• A survey of the use of AI in conflict resolution and mediation.
• MIT Moral Machine hows cultural differences in ethics that can impact AI (e.g. whom to save: elderly persons, mothers with children, or two reach busnissmans).

Second day: 19 November

During our second day, we focused on AI geopolitics and AI topics and policy issues. We centered discussion around the recent article from Foreign Affairs Journal: ‘The Emerging Age on AI Diplomacy’.

The Emerging Age of AI Diplomacy

Originally published in Foreign Affairs

Oct 28, 2024

In a vast conference room, below chandeliers and flashing lights, dozens of dancers waved fluorescent bars in an intricately choreographed routine. Green Matrix code rained down in the background on a screen that displayed skyscrapers soaring from a desert landscape. The world was witnessing the emergence of “a sublime and transcendent entity,” a narrator declared: artificial intelligence. As if to highlight AI’s transformative potential, a digital avatar—Artificial Superintelligence One—approached a young boy and together they began to sing John Lennon’s “Imagine.” The audience applauded enthusiastically. With that, the final day dawned on what one government minister in attendance described as the “world’s largest AI thought leadership event.”

This surreal display took place not in Palo Alto or Menlo Park but in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, at the third edition of the city’s Global AI Summit, in September of this year. In a cavernous exhibition center next to the Ritz Carlton, where Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman imprisoned hundreds of wealthy Saudis on charges of corruption in 2017, robots poured tea and mixed drinks. Officials in ankle-length white robes hailed Saudi Arabia’s progress on AI. American and Chinese technology companies pitched their products and announced memorandums of understanding with the government. Attendants distributed stickers that declared, “Data is the new oil.”

For Saudi Arabia and its neighbor, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), AI plays an increasingly central role in their attempts to transform their oil wealth into new economic models before the world transitions away from fossil fuels. For American AI companies, hungry for capital and energy, the two Gulf states and their sovereign wealth funds are tantalizing partners. And some policymakers in Washington see a once-in-a-generation opportunity to promise access to American computing power in a bid to lure the Gulf states away from China and deepen an anti-Iranian coalition in the Middle East.

They should temper their expectations. Saudi Arabia’s and the UAE’s economic and political relationships with China are more robust than ever, and that is unlikely to change. Although the Gulf states are eager for advanced AI chips that for now only the United States can provide, they also have strong and enduring incentives to hedge their bets, playing the major powers off against each other to extract concessions. When appropriate, the United States and its tech companies should cooperate with the Gulf states on AI. But they should do so within limits and with safeguards—and without deluding themselves that doing so will bring a lasting strategic realignment in the Gulf.

BRIDGING THE GULF

The two Gulf states’ interest in AI is not new, but it has intensified in recent months. Saudi Arabia plans to create a $40 billion fund to invest in AI and has set up Silicon Valley–inspired startup accelerators to entice coders to Riyadh. In 2019, the UAE launched the world’s first university dedicated to AI, and since 2021, the number of AI workers in the country has quadrupled, according to government figures. The UAE has also released a series of open-source large language models that it claims rival those of Google and Meta, and earlier this year it launched an investment firm focused on AI and semiconductors that could surpass $100 billion in assets under management.

U.S. technology companies have eagerly reciprocated this interest. The infrastructure required to train the latest generation of AI models uses vast amounts of energy, capital, and land—three things the Gulf states have in abundance. OpenAI chief executive Sam Altman has talked with investors in the UAE about multitrillion-dollar investments in chips and data centers, and state-backed Emirati firms participated in OpenAI’s recent round of fundraising. Top executives at the semiconductor giants Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company and Samsung have floated the idea of building factories in the UAE. Amazon announced a $5.3 billion investment for data centers in Saudi Arabia earlier this year, and the AI startup Groq has partnered with Saudi Arabia’s state-owned oil giant Aramco to build a huge AI data center in the country. Microsoft, meanwhile, has invested $1.5 billion in the UAE’s leading tech company, G42, in a deal that will help Microsoft expand its business in emerging economies and give G42 access to Microsoft computing power.

Where American AI companies see a commercial opportunity, some policymakers in Washington see a strategic one: access to U.S. computing power could be an important carrot to draw countries away from a rapidly expanding Chinese technological ecosystem. The United States wants to shore up its relationship with the world’s largest oil exporters and deepen an anti-Iranian coalition in the Middle East.

Both Saudi Arabia and the UAE are increasingly influential in the region and beyond—in 2023, for example, the UAE announced $45 billion in investments in Africa, far surpassing Chinese expenditures there that year. It is in Washington’s interests that Gulf actors invest their vast sums of capital in U.S. technology companies rather than Chinese ones.

Washington has a good deal of leverage over these technological partnerships because exporting the advanced chips used in AI data centers requires licenses from the U.S. government, which has been slow-walking approvals for large-scale sales for months while it debates what conditions to attach.

If the U.S. government doesn’t greenlight these licenses, some fear, China might soon offer an alternative. At the AI summit in Riyadh, the subject of U.S. export controls was a regular conversation starter.

Google and Microsoft had the most prominent booths by the entrance, but the Chinese firms Alibaba and Huawei were not far away, their booths stationed in an adjoining room around the corner—a tangible reminder of the Chinese options that may be available to the Gulf states if Washington adopts a more restrictive approach.

HEDGING THEIR BETS

Even though the United States has an economic and geopolitical opportunity in the Gulf, there are also significant risks to offshoring major clusters of advanced AI chips to authoritarian regimes with elaborate surveillance systems, an appetite for military adventurism, and expanding ties to China. Lawmakers and Pentagon officials have expressed concern that Chinese companies linked to the People’s Liberation Army could access those chips through data centers in the Middle East as a means of skirting U.S. export controls that have sought to restrict China’s access to cutting-edge AI technology.

More broadly, if AI systems soon gain the potential to drive explosions in economic growth, design new synthetic bioweapons, or develop impressive new cyber-capabilities, they may disrupt the global balance of power. If that proves to be the case, then the infrastructure that underpins frontier AI systems—in particular, the massive data centers where these models will be trained and hosted—should not be offshored lightly. As the former OpenAI researcher Leopold Aschenbrenner put it in a widely circulated memo: “Do we really want the infrastructure for the [next] Manhattan Project to be controlled by some capricious Middle Eastern dictatorship?”

The UAE in particular appears to have made serious efforts to assuage these concerns, going out of its way to portray itself as a responsible steward of American AI technology. According to public reporting, the UAE has pledged that it will lock down its data centers, stripping them of Chinese hardware that might have backdoors, screening customers and workers, and monitoring how buyers use their chips. Under U.S. pressure, G42, which is chaired by the Emirati national security adviser Sheikh Tahnoon bin Zayed, divested from Chinese firms and stripped out its Huawei technology as part of its deal with Microsoft. Last month, partly in response to these efforts, the U.S. Department of Commerce published a rule that could ease the shipment of AI chips to the Middle East.

The UAE has declared that it seeks a “marriage” with the United States founded on AI. But U.S. policymakers should understand that any such marriage is unlikely to be monogamous. Saudi Arabia and the UAE both have powerful incentives to hedge their bets, given American domestic political instability and the enduring, if eternally frustrated, U.S. desire to “pivot” to Asia. China is Saudi Arabia’s largest oil customer and trading partner and the UAE’s top non-oil trading partner. It does not hector either state about its human rights abuses or regional activities. Chinese-made drones are among the UAE’s tools of choice for its covert campaigns in Sudan, and earlier this year the Chinese and Emirati air forces held joint exercises in Xinjiang, of all places. And even though G42 may have divested from Chinese firms, a new Abu Dhabi investment vehicle has taken over the management of G42’s Chinese-focused fund, and, like G42, the new vehicle is overseen by the Emirati national security adviser. At another conference in Abu Dhabi last month, Chinese and Emirati officials alike described the last few years as the “golden era” of Chinese-Emirati cooperation.

MAKE YOURSELF COMFORTABLE

Even in the face of such hedging, the United States should not impose a blanket ban on all sales of advanced AI chips to the Gulf. Many, if not most, emerging powers believe that they can successfully balance relationships with both the United States and China, and U.S. policymakers should generally restrain themselves from pressuring regional powers into making zero-sum choices. At times, U.S. policymakers will have to become comfortable operating in regions and sectors in which U.S. and Chinese influence overlap. And it would not serve U.S. interests if Washington were to drive billions of dollars of Gulf funds toward projects that accelerate China’s technological progress.

U.S. policymakers should thus move forward with their negotiations with the Gulf states over chip exports. But they should do so without any illusions about the regimes they are working with, the risks involved, or the chances that such collaboration will help reshape the political order of the Middle East. The Gulf states will not cut off ties with China except in narrowly scoped areas, and even then such decisions will always be open to renegotiation.

Without serious efforts at mitigation in the form of sustained investments in both physical and cybersecurity, building massive data centers in non-allied countries increases the risks of intellectual property theft and misuse, especially if those centers host the weights of frontier models (the parameters that encode the core intelligence of an AI system).

The United States will need to devote resources to monitor—and enforce—compliance for any deals it reaches. In the absence of independent verification, the United States should treat Emirati and Saudi assurances about their stewardship of U.S. technology with skepticism. And U.S. policymakers should strongly encourage American tech companies to build their largest and most advanced facilities in the United States.

In this emerging era of AI diplomacy, Washington will face similar challenges in one setting after another: it will have to control the proliferation of technologies that might have critical national security implications without kneecapping American corporations or driving potential partners into the arms of China. In their negotiations with the Gulf, U.S. policymakers should make sure that they set the right precedents.

In the next step, we discussed AI governance by looking at a simple question: Who can answer calls for AI and digital solutions by citizens, companies, and countries worldwide?

All AI governance issues can be located on the 4 layers of AI Governance Pyramide…

Here are 158 Sorina’s slides on AI governance and diplomacy…

Third day: 20 November

During the third day, Sorina continued with a summarisation of AI governance. After that, we explained the negotiation exercise on the Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems (LAWS), or more colloquially, ‘Killer Robots’.

For more details on past and ongoing negotiations on LAWS at the UN level, you can consult our page on the dedicated Group of Governmental Experts.

Negotiation exercise: Lethal Autonomous Weapons System

The simulation exercise includes five AI assistants for negotiations:

• United States
• Russian Federation
• European Union
• United Arab Emirates
• Holy See

The simulation exercise focuses on negotiations on a more precise formulation for human control of ‘killer robots’.

Text to be negotiated:

Guiding Principles affirmed by the Group of Governmental Experts on Emerging Technologies in the Area of Lethal Autonomous Weapons System

It was affirmed that international law, in particular the United Nations Charter and International Humanitarian Law (IHL) as well as relevant ethical perspectives, should guide the continued work of the Group. Noting the potential challenges posed by emerging technologies in the area of lethal autonomous weapons systems to IHL, the following were affirmed, without prejudice to the result of future discussions:

(a) International humanitarian law continues to apply fully to all weapons systems, including the potential development and use of lethal autonomous weapons systems;

(b) Human responsibility for decisions on the use of weapons systems must be retained since accountability cannot be transferred to machines. This should be considered across the entire life cycle of the weapons system;

(c) Human-machine interaction, which may take various forms and be implemented at various stages of the life cycle of a weapon, should ensure that the potential use of weapons systems based on emerging technologies in the area of lethal autonomous weapons systems is in compliance with applicable international law, in particular IHL. In determining the quality and extent of human-machine interaction, a range of factors should be considered including the operational context, and the characteristics and capabilities of the weapons system as a whole;

(d) Accountability for developing, deploying and using any emerging weapons system in the framework of the CCW must be ensured in accordance with applicable international law, including through the operation of such systems within a responsible chain of human command and control;

(e) In accordance with States’ obligations under international law, in the study, development, acquisition, or adoption of a new weapon, means or method of warfare, determination must be made whether its employment would, in some or all circumstances, be prohibited by international law;

(f) When developing or acquiring new weapons systems based on emerging technologies in the area of lethal autonomous weapons systems, physical security, appropriate non-physical safeguards (including cyber-security against hacking or data
spoofing), the risk of acquisition by terrorist groups and the risk of proliferation should be considered;

(g) Risk assessments and mitigation measures should be part of the design, development, testing and deployment cycle of emerging technologies in any weapons systems;

(h) Consideration should be given to the use of emerging technologies in the area of lethal autonomous weapons systems in upholding compliance with IHL and other applicable international legal obligations;

(i) In crafting potential policy measures, emerging technologies in the area of lethal autonomous weapons systems should not be anthropomorphized;

(j) Discussions and any potential policy measures taken within the context of the CCW should not hamper progress in or access to peaceful uses of intelligent autonomous technologies;

(k) The CCW offers an appropriate framework for dealing with the issue of emerging technologies in the area of lethal autonomous weapons systems within the context of the objectives and purposes of the Convention, which seeks to strike a balance between military necessity and humanitarian considerations.

AI Assistants

We developed three AI assistants to support course discussion and coverage…

Relevant publications

Here are publications of direct relevance for our course discussion on AI and diplomacy.

Unpacking Global Digital Compact

Unpacking the Global Digital Compact explores the origins and impact of the Global Digital Compact (GDC), a new UN framework adopted at the 2024 Summit of the Future to shape digital and AI governance. This book explores the GDC’s complex negotiations and its role in fostering global cooperation amid diverse perspectives and diplomatic challenges. READ MORE

Diplomacy Reimagened: Competencies 2040

The book explores the evolving importance of talents, knowledge, and skills, emphasising the need for new competencies and continuous learning in the AI-driven era. Drawing from decades of experience in diplomatic training, the book offers insights into how the profession must adapt to thrive in this rapidly changing landscape. READ MORE

Understanding AI througn national flags

Understanding how AI functions is becoming necessary for everyone, from citizens to societal leaders. AI poses two levels of explainability challenges: one is for technical people to understand how neural networks function, and the other is for the wider population to understand AI and what it is capable of. READ MORE

History of Diplomacy and Technology

The book ‘History of Diplomacy and Technology’ reminds us that every new technology throughout history has promised to change the way diplomacy is conducted. Some changes occurred, but the essence of diplomacy remained the same: the peaceful resolution of disputes through negotiation and mediation. This historical journey of diplomacy’s continuity and technological changes since smoke signals is thought-provoking reading as we consider the future of diplomacy in the AI era. READ MORE

Tech Diplomacy: Actors, Trends, and Controversies

In today’s world, tech diplomacy bridges governments and tech companies, focusing on governance, policy, and cooperation in digital technologies and AI. This publication examines its definition, relevance, key actors, methods, and global hubs. It builds on prior reports and highlights Denmark’s pioneering efforts in establishing a dedicated tech diplomacy policy. READ MORE

An Introduction to Internet Governance

‘An Introduction to Internet Governance provides an excellent entry point. It has introduced many diplomats and officials to this emerging field of global policy. For others, it will stimulate reflections from linguistic, legal, and other perspectives. This book clearly shows that although the Internet is a ‘technical’ invention, its governance is far from simply a technical issue. Kurbalija’s book highlights the legal, social, linguistic, and economic perspectives of Internet governance. It is an impressive introduction to this emerging field of global policy’ Nitin Desai, former Chair of the Internet Governance Forum (IGF). READ MORE

Questions and Answers

During our visit to the UAE, we had many stimulating discussions with students, researchers, and diplomats. Here is a survey of questions and answers from the visit:

We were fortunate to have him as a mentor, a guide, and—most of all—as our ‘chief contrarian,’ a title he wore with quiet pride. His sharp, incisive insights helped illuminate the key dilemmas of our time, offering clarity in moments of complexity.

Aldo had the remarkable ability to see beyond the immediate, warning us of the storm long before the 2008 financial crisis shook the world.

His foresight and wisdom were more than just intellectual; they were grounded in a profound sense of humanity and humility. It was this combination of critical thought and deep empathy that made Aldo not just a brilliant mind but a deeply cherished person.

His presence will be sorely missed, especially now when the world so desperately needs thinkers like him to help guide us through the uncertainties that lie ahead.

Our thoughts and heartfelt condolences go out to his wife, Silvie, and his son, Frederik, during this incredibly difficult time.

Fortunately, Aldo’s wisdom will stay with AI avatar based on Aldo’s writings…

September was an exciting and dynamic month at Diplo, marking a lively start to the academic and diplomatic season. Our classrooms were buzzing with activity and meaningful exchanges while we organised various events and spoke at panels and conferences in Geneva and worldwide.

On the research front, our efforts led to the release of new books, articles, and blog posts. We also delivered just-in-time reporting from two major global events: the Summit of the Future and the UN General Assembly. Below is a summary of the main activities in the last month.

Our hypertext-based pedagogy fostered highly interactive courses illustrated by…

.

… annotations (comments and questions) made by 164 students in 6 online courses.

Each annotation is akin to asking questions or commenting in a traditional classroom. In September alone, students “raised their hands” and contributed nearly 100 times daily, fostering active engagement.

Last month, we fine-tuned our pedagogy for the AI era, ensuring interactive and meaningful learning with tools like ChatGPT in the classroom.

This approach will be implemented in the AI Apprenticeship programme starting October 1st, where apprentices will learn about AI by developing AI.

They will create new AI apps on Digital Global Compact, future literacy, International Geneva, children’s rights, Africa’s digital transformation, and much more.

Over the past month, Diplo hosted several events and actively participated in events organised by others.

3 September

UN Human Rights Council: High-level discussion on AI and human rights

The high-level discussion explored the impact of AI on core human rights.

Jovan Kurbalija, as a panellist, focused on the impact of AI on forming our opinions and our right not to be optimised in the race with AI and machines. Diplo also provided an AI report from the high-level discussion. 

Read more

4 September

Tech attache briefing: Global Digital Compact and UN Cybercrime Convention

Sorina Teleanu started the autumn season of a Tech Attache briefing with updates on the summer developments (UN Cybercrime Convention) and negotiations on the UN Global Digital Compact. 

Read more

5 September

Kautilya in Modern Governance and Diplomacy

Kautilya’s Arthashastra, one of the world’s oldest and most comprehensive treatises on the science of statecraft, offers profound insights into the administration of justice, management of security, and political strategies. Diplo hosted a discussion with Professor Subrata Mitra to get input from other cultural, religious, and philosophical traditions in the development of AI governance.   

Read more

9-10 September

AI Accountability and Digital Trade: Policy Options for the UK

Everyday interactions are mediated by algorithms, significantly impacting the individual, economies, and wider society. The AI-as-a-service global market is growing rapidly, and governments are struggling to regulate this. Marilia Maciel contributed to the debate with Diplo’s experience in AI technologies and governance. 

Read more

27 Septemer

Master briefing: Demystifying AI for diplomats

Jovan Kurbalija delivered a Master Briefing on ‘Demystifying AI for diplomats’ for Bulgarian diplomats and researchers at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Sofia. On behalf of Diplo, he also received an award, ‘Docendo Discimus, from the Bulgarian Institute of Diplomacy.

Read more

28 September

EBU Leadership Summit – AI Discussion

Jovan Kurbalija delivered a keynote address on ‘AI: Explore the transformative impact of AI on the media industry’ at the EBU Leadership Summit in Sofia, hosted by the Bulgarian National Radio and EBU. He focused on the role of public services media in raising public awareness of AI and protecting national heritage in the AI era. 

Read more

30 September

Celebrating 500 Issues of DiploNews: 25 Years of Pioneering Digital Diplomacy!

On the occasion of publishing the 500th issue of DiploNews, Diplo staff and associates reflected on professional, academic, and diplomatic developments over the past 25 years.

Read more

30 September

Decoding disinformation: Lessons from case studies

Diplo presented the results of a 10-month research project on disinformation, with a primary focus on decoding disinformation through several case studies.

Read more

20-23 September

Summit of the Future 2024

Diplo provided just-in-time reporting from the Summit of the Future 2024 including: coverage of AI and digital issues, knowledge graph of arguments and statements, event statistics, and AI chatbot based on statements delivered during Summit of the Future.  

Read more

24-30 September

79th Session of the UN General Assembly (UNGA 79)

Diplo also reported on the general debate during the 79th session of the UN General Assembly. You can find summary report, transcripts, coverage of AI and digital issues, knowledge graph of arguments and statements, event statistics, and AI chatbot based on statements delivered during UNGA 78.  

Read more

Ahead of us

Autumn brings many uncertainties, from the wars in Ukraine and Gaza to the upcoming US Presidential elections. Diplo will be tracking these events through the lens of AI and digital developments. You can subscribe to our newsletters and updates to stay updated with our just-in-time reporting, contextual policy analysis, and in-depth studies.

https://www.diplomacy.edu/subscribe/

Dear colleagues,

In November, Diplo maintained its autumn momentum in training, research, and international engagement.

Training: DiploAcademy was highly interactive and engaging, with hundreds of students contributing 4,535 comments and questions, including 1,947 dialogue comments over 30 days. The AI apprenticeships programme was in full swing, with 20 participants developing their chatbots through a ‘learning by doing’ pedagogy.

Research: Diplo’s research was both reflective and action-oriented. Just 47 days after the adoption of the Global Digital Compact, Sorina Teleau wrote a book, Unpacking Global Digital Compact, with an in-depth analysis of the GDC, which has quickly become a reference resource for anyone following GDC processes.

International engagement: Last month, Diplo had two significant visits to the United Arab Emirates and Hungary. In the UAE, Diplo delivered leadership training, a masterclass session, and signed a memorandum of understanding with Anwar Gargash Diplomatic Academy (AGDA). In Budapest, the Diplo team conducted training for European junior diplomats. It held an awareness-building session on AI in diplomatic training for directors of the EU’s diplomatic training institutions and academies.

Additionally, Diplo’s website received a new look and content reorganisation. This momentum will continue in December with a few highlights:

• Geneva: The event How to prepare diplomats for the AI era will mark the 15th anniversary of the diplomatic training initiative by Malta, Mexico, and Switzerland and will brainstorm about preparing diplomacy for the forthcoming AI transformation.
• Riyadh: Diplo will actively participate in the IGF sessions and discussions and present activities in three major projects: CADE, Geneva Dialogue, and IGF knowledge ecology. Diplo will provide traditional just-in-time reporting from the IGF and participate in the workshop The future of cyber diplomacy, hosted by the Prince Saud Al Faisal Institute of Diplomatic Studies.
• New York: Diplomacy and cybersecurity training for diplomats at the United Nations.

Best regards,

Jovan

Courses in November

Diplo’s classrooms were busy with vibrant discussions. As an numeric illustration, students made…

.

annotations (comments and questions).

Each annotation is akin to asking questions or commenting in a traditional classroom. In Novemer alone, students “raised their hands” 1947 times contributed nearly 267 times daily, fostering active engagement.

In November, our AI Apprenticeship programme got a new swing with 20 particpants developing their chatbots and learning on newural networks and other underlying AI technologies.

Events in November

Over the past month, Diplo hosted several events and actively participated in events organised by others.

www.diplomacy.edu

Human rights in the digital age

Balancing AI, technology, and governance in smart cities 2024 Annual conference of Geneva Human Rights Platform Jovan Kurbalija spoke at the panel focusing on human rights, AI, and smart cities.…

Read more

7 November | Geneva

AI and diplomacy: Navigating technology and policy

Diplo and the Geneva Internet Platform delivered a briefing on AI and diplomacy for Geneva-based permanent missions of GRULAC countries. The following topics were covered: AI as a topic on…

Read more

8 November | Online

Unpacking Global Digital Compact | Book launch

Sorina Teleanu presented her book in an

online webinar. She focused on analysingthe main segments of the GDC, the implementation process, and the interplay with the Word Summit on Information Society and other digital processes at the United Nations.

Read more

13 November | Online

Digital Trade for Africa’s Prosperity

Digital trade is becoming a key driver of global economic growth, reshaping how goods and services are produced, traded, and consumed. With increasing internet penetration and the adoption…

Read more

14 November | Abu Dhabi

Visit by the Digital Policy Leadership Program, University of St. Gallen

Under the Digital Policy Leadership Program (DPLP) framework, a joint initiative between Insper Brazil and the University of St. Gallen, a group of students visited Diplo and…

Read more

18-20 November | Abu Dhabi

Leadership training on AI and diplomacy @ the UAE Diplomatic Academy

From November 18-20, 2024, Diplo delivered leadership training on AI and diplomacy at the Anwar Gargash Diplomatic Academy (AGDA). This engagement aims to deepen Diplo’s strategic relationship with AGDA and…

Read more

19 November | Abu Dhabi

Signing MoU between AGDA and Diplo

The Anwar Gargash Diplomatic Academy (AGDA) and DiploFoundation signed the MoU, which builds on 10 years of cooperation between the two organisations. The new MoU provides a framework for the new…

Read more

19 November | Abu Dhabi, UAE

The role of diplomacy in AI geopolitics | AGDA

On 19th November, Jovan Kurbalija delivered a public lecture on ‘AI geopolitics and diplomacy’ at the Anwar Gargash Diplomatic Academy (AGDA) in Abu Dhabi, focusing on three main aspects: impact…

Read more

21-22 November | Budampest

25th European Diplomatic Programme: The use of AI in diplomacy

Diplo will participate in the 25th European Diplomatic Programme in Budapest, Hungary, on 21–22 November 2024. Dragana Markovski and Stefan Lazic delivered training for junior diplomats from the EU member states on…

Read more

28 November | Geneva

Global data governance debates: What’s in it for Africa?

Sorina Teleanu and Jovan Kurbalija run an expert-guided dialogue among Geneva-based diplomats. This event was co-sponsored by the Permanent Mission of the Republic of Kenya and the EU Delegation.

Read more

New web look

In November, Diplo launched a new home page and organisation of a website aiming to solve one of the main problems of having easy access to Diplo’s rich knowledge and data resources. In addition to the AI chatbot, a new organisation of the website provides easier structural access to our knowledge.

Unpacking Digital Global Compact

by Sorina Teleanu

Sorina Telanu’s book is a comprehensive reference for anyone interested in the Global Digital Compact (GDC). It is published only 47 days after the adoption of the GDC on 22 September 2024 during the Summit of the Future, held at the United Nations in New York.

In addition to comprehensive coverage of the GDC, there are several reasons why this book is a go-to resource for understanding the GDC and broader digital governance.

Recap of blogs and analysis

Preface for a book ‘Unpacking Global Digital Compact’

Jovan Kurbalija’s text focuses on the forthcoming publication ‘Unpacking Global Digital Compact’ by Sorina Teleanu. Kurbalija highlighted the unique way how Sorina turned her long research into an effective narrative…

Read more

Valencia flooding: Why did one of the leading smart cities fail regarding basic safety?

Valencia, recognised as an

advanced smart city, failed to effectively warn residents of imminent floods, resulting in devastating consequences. Despite advanced technology, the local authorities sent emergency alerts eight hours late

…

Read more

Part 5: Is AI really that simple?

How do AI’s cognitive mechanisms actually work? Just like human cognition, AI relies on schemas to process and interpret data – yet it lacks the depth and context that human…

Read more

How and why language is hardening in modern discourse

Language is shifting – words like ‘dialogue’ and ‘conversation’ are being replaced by ‘debate’ and ‘discussion’. Is this hardening of tone a sign of the times? Aldo Matteucci analyses.

Read more

Why Trump’s appointment of Musk as an ‘efficiency tzar’ is about AI transformation?

Trump’s appointment of Elon Musk as an ‘efficiency tzar’ aims to modernize federal administration, amidst criticisms suggesting that it targets the ‘deep state.’ However, the focus should shift to the broader AI…

Read more

Part 6: What string theory reveals about AI chat models

What do string theory and AI chat models have in common? Both navigate complex, multidimensional webs – but of what? Dr Anita Lamprecht explains.

Read more

Nine reflections on AI@UAE: Pioneering innovations in AI development and application

Jovan Kurbalija summarises Diplo’s visit to the UAE in nine reflections on how the UAE deals with artificial intelligence…

Read more

Could we rebuild morality from scratch?

If morality were destroyed, could we rebuild it from its fragments? Aldo Matteucci examined Alasdair MacIntyre’s theory.

Read more

Embracing AI in diplomacy: How can Europe prepare for pivotal transformation in global affairs?

On 21-22 November, Diplo team addressed the 25th European Diplomatic Programme held in Budapest in the context of the Hungarian EU presidency. It is an annual gathering of around 100 junior diplomats…

Read more

Part 7: ‘Interpretability: From human language to DroidSpeak’

Should we allow AI to develop its own language – one that humans can’t understand? While it may enhance efficiency, it raises serious concerns. Dr Anita Lamprecht explores.

Read more

Trump vs Harris: The tech industry’s pivotal role in 2024 | Digital Watch Observatory

The major role that technology industry leaders might play in influencing the election outcome.

Read more

China’s tech firms growing influence | Digital Watch Observatory

Chinese tech giants reshape the global market amid US rivalry and domestic regulation challenges.

Read more

Ahead of us

After a comprehensive AI transformation, Diplo is well-prepared to assist international actors and diplomats in addressing AI and other pressing issues of our time. In the coming months, our ‘cognitive proximity’ approach—fostering creative interactions between human and artificial intelligence—will have concrete applications in Diplo’s teaching, events, debates, and research.

We invite you not only to follow what we do, but also to observe how we conduct our activities with the help of AI. The practical use of AI can help us better understand the technology and enable a more informed discussion on its overall impact on our future.

Subscribe to Diplo and the Geneva Internet Platform (GIP) mailing lists

October in retrospect: Sadness | Vibrancy | Creativity

October @ Diplo can be summarised with these three words: sadness, vibrancy, and creativity.

We are deeply saddened by the loss of our dear colleague, Aldo Matteucci, who passed away on October 7th. Aldo was with Diplo for a long time as a lecturer and, above all, a critical thinker, earning him the special title of our ‘chief contrarian officer.’ His wisdom and sharp insights will be greatly missed, especially in these times when critical thinking is needed more than ever.

October was also a month of vibrancy for Diplo, filled with lively classrooms, critical and engaging discussions at our events, and new developments at the intersection of technology and art. Our classrooms buzzed with over XXX questions posed by XX students. DiploAI provided comprehensive analysis and reporting from 10 UN Security Council meetings, contributing to informed and meaningful discussions.

Creativity found a new dimension this October. We addressed a pressing dilemma: how to prepare citizens, communities, companies, and countries for the AI transformation. While there is a lot of ‘AI talk,’ real, practical changes that bring AI into our daily lives are still scarce. We tackled this ‘AI paradox’ through a detailed analysis of diplomatic competencies—the talents, knowledge, and skills—impacted by AI. We launched the AI Apprenticeship, a novel approach to learning AI by doing. Participants grasped core AI concepts such as neural networks and machine learning by creating AI chatbots relevant to their work.

We are on the brink of breakthroughs in our pedagogy, research, technology, and arts—all centered around our ‘cognitive proximity’ approach, which nurtures new interplays between human and artificial intelligence. In the coming months, the Diplo community will demonstrate how AI can elevate human creativity to new levels of insight. We hope our ‘in vivo’ experience with AI transformation will inspire universities, the UN, diplomatic services, businesses, and others.

Read more below and stay tuned!

DiploTeam

In memoriam

Aldo Matteucci

On 7 October, Aldo Matteucci, our esteemed colleague and dear friend, left us. Aldo was a truly remarkable person, a Swiss diplomat who effortlessly combined a wealth of experience with unparalleled critical thinking.

We were fortunate to have him as a mentor, a guide, and—most of all—as our ‘chief contrarian,’ a title he wore with quiet pride. His sharp, incisive insights illuminated the key dilemmas of our time, offering clarity in moments of complexity.

Aldo had a remarkable ability to see beyond the immediate, warning of the storm long before the 2008 financial crisis shook the world.

His foresight and wisdom were more than just intellectual; they were grounded in a profound sense of humanity and humility. It was this combination of critical thought and deep empathy that made Aldo not just a brilliant mind but a deeply cherished person.

His presence will be sorely missed, especially now, when the world so desperately needs thinkers like him to help guide us through the uncertainties ahead.

During this incredibly difficult time, our thoughts are with his family. Aldo’s wisdom will live on through the AI avatar based on his writings, ensuring that his insights continue to inspire us.

During this incredibly difficult time, our thoughts are with his family. Fortunately, Aldo’s wisdom will live on through the AI avatar based on Aldo’s writings, ensuring that his insights continue to inspire us.wisdom will stay with

Courses in October

Diplo’s classrooms were busy with vibrant discussions. As an numeric illustration, students made…

.

annotations (comments and questions).

Each annotation is akin to asking questions or commenting in a traditional classroom. In October alone, students “raised their hands” and contributed nearly 171 times daily, fostering active engagement.

On 1st October, our AI Apprenticeship programme kicked off with 40 participants. They learn about AI by developing AI chatbot on issues of their interest. In October, they addressed basic functionality of AI, prompting, and other AI technologies.

Events in October

Over the past month, Diplo hosted several events and actively participated in events organised by others.

1 October | Geneva, Switzerland

Briefing for newly-appointed heads of missions on digital Geneva.

The Geneva Internet Platform (operated by Diplo) hosted traditional briefing for newly-appointed heads of missions in Geneva. The main focus is on UN Global Digital Compact and AI tools to be ued to following multilateral processes in Geneva.

Read more

1 October | Online

Tech Diplomacy: Actors, Trends, and Controversies | Book launch

Book launch focused on an interplay between tech companies and governments. Authors and panelists discussed evolution of tech diplomacy in the Bay Area since the last publication.

Read more

8-11 October | Budva, Montenegro

50th Meeting of the International Forum on Diplomatic Training

Diplo’s team hosted highly interactive session on the use of AI in training for directors of diplomatic training institutions and academies. After the plenary introduction, there were four table-group discussions on impact of AI on pedagogy, language training, diplomatic reporting, and geopolitics.

Read more

8 October | Podgorica, Montenegro

AI for media professionals: Briefing at the Montenegrin Public Service Broadcaster

Diplo Executive Director Jovan Kurbalija held an interactive master briefing on AI at the public service broadcaster Radio-Television Montenegro. During the session, Kurbalija highlighted three critical functions of public service…

Read more

8 October | Nyon, Switzerland

Lecture on AI between technology, economy and humanity

Sorina Teleanu, Diplo’s Director of Knowledge, delivered a lecture on AI between technology, economy, and humanity for a group of students at the School for International Training in Nyon, Switzerland.…

Read more

10 October | Geneva, Switzerland

Tech attache briefing: Global Digital Compact and Pact for the Future

The event is part of a series of regular briefings the Geneva Internet Platform (GIP) is delivering for diplomats at permanent missions and delegations in Geneva following digital policy issues. It…

Read more

16 October | Singapore

The Geneva Manual @ Singapore International Cyber Week

Cyber threats targeting critical infrastructure (CI) and assets, often undetected by the victim, have become the ‘new normal’ in today’s heightened geopolitical climate. Additionally, decision-makers are concerned not only with malicious cyber activities, but also with faulty and insufficiently secure software development practices that can cause global disruptions due to interconnected supply chains…

Read more

22 October | Geneva, Switzerland

Study visit by GIZ interns

A group of interns from GIZ, the main German development agency, visited Diplo and the Geneva Internet Platform on 22 October 2024. The visit featured discussions on Geneva’s digital ecosystem, and AI technology, policy and governance.

Read more

22 October | Online

UN Cybercrime Convention: What does it mean and how will it impact all of us?

After three years of negotiations, initiated by Russia in 2017, the UN Member States at the Ad Hoc Committee (AHC) adopted the draft of the first globally binding legal instrument…

Read more

31 October | Online

What’s next for the Global Digital Compact? Pathways to civil society engagement in the implementation and follow-up

The Global Digital Compact (GDC), adopted during the Summit of the Future, includes a commitment to strengthen and leverage multistakeholder cooperation to achieve the objectives set out in the GDC. Next to new mechanisms, existing multistakeholder such as the Internet Governance Forum

Read more

dig.watch

Unlocking UN Security Council meetings with AI

In collaboration with Switzerland during its presidency of the UN Security Council (UNSC) and Diplo, ten UNSC meetings were selected for analysis by DiploGPT, Diplo’s AI solution. This pilot project aims to explore the potential of this technology, providing quick and easy access to the content of UNSC meetings.

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Reflections and Analysis

October was a month of reflection and analysis, particularly focused on the challenges ahead in the realm of AI. Anita Lamprecht wrote a series of articles on ‘AI Apprenticeship,’ linking her learning journey to broader issues of AI governance and ethics.

In a blog triptych, Jovan Kurbalija argued that diplomacy has a bright future in the AI era, but must transform from ‘bureaucratic’ to genuine diplomacy empowered by AI. He further emphasized that this transformation requires innovative training to develop new talents, knowledge, and skills.

Diplo faculty also contributed a series of insightful articles on the United Nations, digital challenges, and many other topics, which you can explore further in this summary.

Texts on training in AI and diplomacy

by Jovan Kurbalija

Why will AI enhance, not replace, human diplomacy?

In the age of AI, diplomacy is poised for renewal, enhancing rather than replacing human engagement. While AI can automate tasks and analyze data, the essence of diplomacy—characterized by empathy,…

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What are diplomatic competencies for the AI era?

Diplomats must develop core competencies to thrive in the AI era, combining traditional skills like empathy and communication with new technological understanding. Essential talents include curiosity and adaptability, while knowledge…

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How to train diplomats for the AI era?

AI is transforming diplomacy, necessitating the evolution of training methods for diplomats. To address the challenges posed by AI, diplomatic training should integrate both traditional skills and modern pedagogies that…

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Recap of blogs and analysis from Diplo community

Petru Dumitriu

Multilateral diplomacy: a new inflexion point

The message reflects on the resilience of multilateral diplomacy and the United Nations, highlighting its historical inflection points, including the Cold War, decolonization, and the end of the Cold War.…

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Jovan Kurbalija

Foreigners everywhere: Identity and estrangement in diplomacy

Inspired by the 2024 Biennale in Venice and the theme ‘Foreigners Everywhere,’ Jovan Kurablija reflects on  the unique position of diplomats as quintessential foreigners in…

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Andrej Škrinjarić

Understanding AI: Why does it matter?

Many in diplomacy recognise AI’s importance but are unsure how to approach it. Andrej Škrinjarić, director of Education & Training at Diplo, explores what AI can and can’t do, how…

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Jovan Kurbalija

251 shades of diplomacy: Inflated terminology and deflated respect for diplomacy

Jovan Kurbalija gathered hundreds of uses of terms of diplomacy from multilateral to bamboo diplomacy.  This collection of linguistical popularity of diplomacy triggered his reflections on inflated terminology and deflated respect for diplomacy in modern society…

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Jovan Kurbalija

How can the UN ensure the impartiality of its AI platform?

In addition to numerous crisis, UN will face new one of ensuring impartiality of the organisations’ AI platforms and systems…

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Jovan Kurbalija

Are we copilots or just passengers on ‘AI flights’?

According to Jovan Kurbalija, the reality is that we are mostly passengers. We understand very little about how AI functions, how it uses our data, or even how reliable its outputs are. Nonetheless, he argues that it does not have to be this way. 

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Aldo Matteucci

Collateral consequences: The unseen price of consumerism

Markets excel at facilitating trade, but they fail to address the unintended consequences of consumerism like pollution. Aldo Matteucci provides ideas on how to approach these hidden costs.

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Ilias Dimou

AI and ethics in modern society

Ilias Dimou revisits frequent discussion on AI and ethics from new angles …

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Nikoleta Selena

El Salvador: Blueprint for the bitcoin economy | Digital Watch Observatory

El Salvador’s integration of Bitcoin positions it as a pioneer in the shift towards cryptocurrency-driven economies.

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Andrija Bulatović

Revolutionising medicine with AI: From early detection to precision care

In just a few years, AI has made groundbreaking strides in medicine, aiding in the early and more accurate diagnosis of diseases like brain tumours and lung cancer. From enhancing diagnostic tools to collaborating with radiologists, AI-powered systems are transforming how we understand and treat complex conditions. Andrija Bulatović explores how AI is shaping the future of medicine and what we can expect in the years to come. is transforming medicine by enabling early disease detection, improving diagnostics, and personalising care.

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Anastasiya Kazakova | Sorina Teleanu | Bojana Kovač | Feodora Hamza

Comparative analysis: Budapest Convention vs UN Convention Against Cybercrime

This summer, the UN finalised a draft of its first UN convention against cybercrime, raising questions about how it will coexist with the long-standing Budapest Convention. Diplo research team provides comparative analysis of two cybercrime instruments…

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High relevance and visibility worldwide

In October, Diplo’s work received informal recognition for its quality, leading to increased visibility across search engines and social media. As Google and other major platforms intensify efforts to filter out AI-generated content, quality human-written content has become more valuable than ever. Diplo’s unique approach—human-authored content supported by DiploAI—has helped us stand out amidst the flood of automated material.

Diplo’s increased visibility can be attributed to two key factors:

• An extensive portfolio of high-quality content, including timely blogs and analyses.
• Our distinct approach, where human authorship is supported by DiploAI, a system rooted in our organizational knowledge, writing style, and research methodology.

Concrete Impact

Diplo ranks as the second most visible organization in Google searches for Geneva-related topics in diplomacy, trade, development, health, and humanitarian fields. This ranking is based on data gathered from 50 cities worldwide, covering 500 relevant keywords. You can find more details in the Digital Footprint analysis, which ranks 84 Geneva actors, with the WHO holding the leading position, followed by Diplo.

The increased visibility has led to substantial growth in web traffic during October comparing to October last year:

Diplo website: 48.3% increase of traffic

DW website: 36.6 % increase of traffic

Similar positive trends have also been observed across YouTube and other social media platforms.Our online visilibity

Ahead of us

After a comprehensive AI transformation, Diplo is well-prepared to assist international actors and diplomats in addressing AI and other pressing issues of our time. In the coming months, our ‘cognitive proximity’ approach—fostering creative interactions between human and artificial intelligence—will have concrete applications in Diplo’s teaching, events, debates, and research.

We invite you not only to follow what we do, but also to observe how we conduct our activities with the help of AI. The practical use of AI can help us better understand the technology and enable a more informed discussion on its overall impact on our future.

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